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Or at least that is what official statistics imply for what is a notoriously opaque sector of the Italian economy. In this ordinarily exceptional space, extra-legal arrangements operate side by side with a series of legal mechanisms to fragment, control and discipline labourers, their mobility and most aspects of their existence.
The zone relies on an institutionally backed, selective suspension of laws and rights through the production of spaces where the labour force can be contained. Agro-industrial production constitutes a driving force of the economy: In the zone, farm workers earn on average less than half the minimum wage established by collective agreements. Many work for a piece rate rather than an hourly wage, and in most cases do so entirely outside the social security system.
Working hours greatly exceed those prescribed, and illegal gangmasters, frequently employed to recruit and discipline the labour force, charge workers for transport to the fields as well as accommodation, whilst these costs should be borne by farmers. For the most part, workers are lodged in shacks, run-down abandoned buildings lacking basic utilities, or institutionally sponsored labour camps. Since most farm labourers are migrants from sub-Saharan Africa or Eastern Europe, the costs of their reproduction i.
This trend has further intensified since the enlargement of the European Union to countries such as Poland, Romania and Bulgaria, which has allowed seasonal migration on a much greater scale. In the periods of the agricultural cycle when they are not needed, these workers can easily return to their country of origin, where the cost of life is lower.
This has also meant the further deterioration of working conditions as salaries have been allowed to drop. The Italian state can further dispense with welfare provisions for workers and their dependents pensions, unemployment benefits, maternity and sick leave, housing and child benefits, and so on through administrative tools of partial exclusion.